You can view the video
here:
www.youtube.com/watch?v=dHe-zXm17Pc
If you ask me I would rather have the IRS p*ssing away our hard tax dollars on silly stuff like this then using our tax dollars to murder brown skinned folks in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Of course if you ask me I would rather keep the money my self then let the government p*ss it away on anything.
Source
IRS calls 'Star Trek' parody video a mistake
By STEPHEN OHLEMACHER, Associated Press
Updated 7:58 pm, Friday, March 22, 2013
WASHINGTON (AP) — Nobody's going to win an Emmy for a parody of the TV show "Star Trek" filmed by Internal Revenue Service employees at an agency studio in Maryland.
Instead, the IRS got a rebuke from Congress for wasting taxpayer dollars.
The agency says the video, along with a training video that parodied the TV show "Gilligan's Island," cost about $60,000. The "Star Trek" video accounted for most of the money, the agency said.
The IRS said Friday it was a mistake for employees to make the six-minute video. It was shown at the opening of a 2010 training and leadership conference but does not appear to have any training value.
The video features an elaborate set depicting the control room, or bridge, of the spaceship featured in the hit TV show. IRS workers portray the characters, including one who plays Mr. Spock, complete with fake hair and pointed ears.
The production value is high even though the acting is what one might expect from a bunch of tax collectors. In the video, the spaceship is approaching the planet "Notax," where alien identity theft appears to be a problem.
"The IRS recognizes and takes seriously our obligation to be good stewards of government resources and taxpayer dollars," the agency said in a statement. "There is no mistaking that this video did not reflect the best stewardship of resources."
The agency said it has tightened controls over the use of its production equipment to "ensure that all IRS videos are handled in a judicious manner that makes wise use of taxpayer funds while ensuring a tone and theme appropriate for the nation's tax system."
The agency also said, "A video of this type would not be made today."
The video was released late in the day Friday after investigators from the House Ways and Means Committee requested it.
"There is nothing more infuriating to a taxpayer than to find out the government is using their hard-earned dollars in a way that is frivolous," said Rep. Charles Boustany, R-La., chairman of the Ways and Means oversight subcommittee. "The IRS admitted as much when it disclosed that it no longer produces such videos."
The film was made at an IRS studio in New Carrollton, Md., a suburb of Washington. The agency said it uses the studio to make training films and informational videos for taxpayers.
"The use of video training and video outreach through the in-house studio has become increasingly important to the IRS to reach both taxpayers and employees," the agency said. "In the current budget environment, using video for training purposes helps us save millions of dollars and is an important part of successful IRS cost-efficiency efforts."
IRS YouTube videos have been viewed more than 5 million times, the agency said. A video on the IRS website called "When Will I Get My Refund?" has been seen 950,000 times this filing season.
The disclosure of the "Star Trek" video comes as agencies throughout the federal government face automatic spending cuts, including employee furloughs at many of them.
Acting IRS Commissioner Steven Miller has told employees they could be furloughed five to seven days this summer. The furloughs, however, will be delayed until after tax filing season so refunds should not be affected.
The agency said the "Star Trek" video "was a well-intentioned, light-hearted introduction to an important conference during a difficult period for the IRS."
Congressional investigators initially sought both the "Star Trek" video and the "Gilligan's Island" video but after viewing them determined that the "Gilligan's Island" video was a legitimate training video. The IRS did not release the "Gilligan's Island" video.
"The video series with an island theme provided filing season training for 1,900 employees in our Taxpayer Assistance Centers in 400 locations," the IRS said. "This example of video training alone saved the IRS about $1.5 million each year compared to the costs of training the employees in person."
___
Online:
www.youtube.com/watch?v=dHe-zXm17Pc
___
Follow Stephen Ohlemacher on Twitter: http://twitter.com/stephenatap
El lucrativo negocio de las cárceles para indocumentados
The "war on Mexicans" is big business for private prisons
Source
El lucrativo negocio de las cárceles para indocumentados
La custodia de inmigrantes sin papeles en centros de detención de ICE, genera grandes ganancias a empresas que las administra y le ha costado al gobierno $4,000 millones de dólares.
La Casa Blanca afirma que detener inmigrantes cuesta mucho dinero y justifica la reciente liberación de un número no determinado de ellos culpando a los recortes automáticos de presupuesto federal.
Pero, hasta ahora, ni demócratas ni republicanos se habían quejado jamás de un sistema carcelario paralelo que desde hace más de una década –particularmente desde los ataques terroristas del 11 de septiembre de 2001- ha crecido sin parar, consumiendo cada vez más dinero del presupuesto del país.
Si ambos partidos han sido cómplices de este continuo aumento, otros se han beneficiado directamente de este estado de cosas, entre ellos las compañías de cárceles privadas en donde está detenida más de la mitad de la población carcelaria inmigrante del país, las cuales, por años, han cabildeado y contribuido con fondos a políticos en busca de solidificar su negocio.
Danza de millones
En las cifras está claro: la cantidad de camas ocupadas diariamente por detenidos de las autoridades migratorias se quintuplicó en un período de 15 años, con un costo para el gobierno y para los contribuyentes que pagan la factura.
Sólo para el año fiscal presente (2013), el presupuesto de la sección de "Actividades de Custodia" del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional fue de $1,900 millones.
Esto no incluye los demás costos de seguridad nacional y control fronterizo, varios miles de millones más. Sólo en el año fiscal 2012 el gobierno está gastando $4,000 millones en tecnología para Seguridad Nacional.
Este flujo de dólares ha beneficiado enormemente a las compañías que se dedican al ramo de las cárceles privadas y la seguridad nacional.
Boom de cárceles
"Creo firmemente que las oportunidades con el gobierno federal sólo crecerán como resultado de lo que ocurre. Esas personas que cruzan la frontera y son arrestadas tendrán que ser detenidas y según mi forma de pensar, eso sólo puede mejorar las oportunidades para lo que nosotros hacemos", dijo Wayne Calabrese, presidente de GEO Group, una corporación que construye, compra y maneja prisiones privadas y que administra siete centros de detención privados para inmigrantes con capacidad para casi 8,000 camas.
Por ejemplo, dos megaempresas, Geo Group y CCA, que controlan conjuntamente un 75% del mercado de las prisiones privadas, han vivido un "boom" de crecimiento en los últimos años, balanceando lo perdido en contratos estatales con el continuo crecimiento en el gasto federal para detener inmigrantes y sus ingresos combinados en el año 2010 fueron de casi $3,000 millones.
Contratos millonarios
Desde 2001, CCA ha tenido un aumento de ingresos del 88% y GEO, de un 121%. La mayoría de sus negocios están en contratos para prisiones estatales, pero no es allí donde está el futuro para ellas: los gobiernos estatales no tienen dinero para nuevas prisiones.
Por años, el negocio de la detención de inmigrantes ha sido boyante, y por ahora, a pesar de los problemas presupuestales, no ha dado señal de que vaya a disminuir, aunque una reforma migratoria amplia podría poner en peligro las ganancias de estas empresas.
El área de seguridad fronteriza es donde el negocio sigue boyante para muchas empresas del ramo. Como lo explicó el año pasado Michael Rosenberg, vicepresidente de la compañía que esta semana organiza la conferencia de 2012 sobre seguridad en la frontera, que se realiza en Phoenix, Arizona: "Las reducciones en el presupuesto militar hace que empresas de seguridad y defensa busquen otras áreas para hacer negocios".
Chandler messy yard cops destroy buildings????
Source
Chandler program clears city of dilapidated buildings
By Weldon B. Johnson The Republic | azcentral.com
Tue Mar 5, 2013 7:30 AM
A vacant, dilapidated building is more than an eyesore to residents of the surrounding neighborhood.
That empty building can pose hazards, including fire, safety, crime and illegal dumping. With that in mind, Chandler’s Code Enforcement Unit and other city departments have been attempting to rid the city’s neighborhoods of such structures.
Among the city’s most-effective tools is the Voluntary Demolition Program.
Since the first house was torn down on East Saragosa Street in January 2012, nearly a dozen other blighted structures have been razed, although some were demolished by their owners outside of the program.
“Nothing good comes from open, blighted properties,” Chandler Neighborhood Resources Director Jennifer Morrison said. “The Voluntary Demolition Program was the seed for a lot of different outcomes resulting in the elimination of, or securing, or planning for the rehabilitation, of blighted properties in our neighborhoods.”
The Voluntary Demolition Program began in 2011 and grew from emphasis by Mayor Jay Tibshraeny and the City Council on improving the city’s older neighborhoods. The program is funded by $140,000 in federal Community Development Block Grant money.
If the property owner meets certain guidelines, the program will pay 75 percent of the cost of demolishing a residential structure. The property owner can pay the remainder up front or have a lien placed on the property, in which case the city is reimbursed when the property is sold.
Neighborhood Preservation Manager Malcolm Hankins, who heads the Code Enforcement Unit, estimates the cost of demolishing the structures to be $13,000 to $20,000. A significant portion of that is the requirement to test for the presence of asbestos. If any is found, there are additional costs for the removal, and monitoring during removal, of the hazardous material.
After the structure is demolished and debris removed, a layer of gravel is placed on the property and the owner is encouraged to have the vacant lot fenced. Fencing can discourage illegal dumping or having the lot used as a pass-through for pedestrian or vehicular traffic.
The city initiated the program by consulting with staff members from a variety of departments, including code enforcement, police and fire, to identify open, abandoned and dilapidated structures. Those were then secured by boarding up, and the owners were contacted.
If the property owner chooses to take part in the program, the city evaluates the structure and determines if it qualifies for the demolition program.
“The key is it’s voluntary,” Hankins said. “We’ve had some homeowners who have elected to do the demolition on their own, independent of the program. Some of them have had the equipment and resources to get it done themselves. Some don’t want to spend the time it takes to use the program. When you use federal funding, you have to go through a fairly significant bid process for every phase.”
Other owners choose to rehabilitate their property to bring it back to community standards. There are some who do not respond to the city at all.
“On some occasions when folks don’t comply with the ordinance, we’ve had to go through court to get that done,” Hankins said.
Five structures were torn down as part of the Voluntary Demolition Program in 2012, and six more have been demolished by their owners without using program funds. There are two other houses that have been approved for the program, and the city is in the process of securing contractors to do the demolition.
Accordingly, Morrison said the program works.
“It has created a much more secured environment in the neighborhoods,” Morrison said. “I believe it also says to residents that the city of Chandler has your neighborhood on its radar and we understand the condition this unit is in, it’s not positive and we’re going to remedy that.”
Crece polémica de "baños transgénero"
Source
Crece polémica de "baños transgénero"
Phoenix, Arizona
por Eduardo Bernal - Mar. 22, 2013 10:43 AM
La Voz
El pasado miércoles 2 de marzo un panel legislativo comenzó a deliberar una iniciativa que penalizaría como un crimen menor a individuos transgénero y transexuales que utilicen "inapropiadamente" un baño, duchas públicas y vestuarios en lugares públicos.
La iniciativa SB1432, propuesta por el representante John Kavanagh de Fountain Hills, llega a menos de un mes de que la ciudad de Phoenix aprobara una ordenanza municipal anti discriminatoria que permite a cualquier persona utilizar un sanitario de acuerdo al género o sexo con el que se identifique, y no necesariamente el que esté indicado en su acta de nacimiento.
Introducida por Kavanagh como una enmienda "strike everything" (la cual permite eliminar el propósito original de un proyecto de ley y reemplazarlo por otro completamente distinto), ha generado preocupación entre grupos que abogan por los derechos civiles de la población, en especial de comunidades LGBT (lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transgénero) ya que lesionarían sus derechos constitucionales relacionados con la segunda enmienda de la Constitución Política del Estado.
De acuerdo con una provisión dentro de la actual ley de estatutos de Arizona, una persona practica "conducta desordenada" cuando intencionalmente ingresa a un vestidor, baño, o ducha pública, del género opuesto al que indica su certificado de nacimiento o identificación.
Básicamente la propuesta de ley de Kavanagh criminaliza a quienes utilizan el baño del sexo con el que se identifican o expresan. Quienes se oponen a la medida, la desestiman primero por los métodos para proponerla, y segundo por la manera cómo se aplicaría: ¿se pedirán identificaciones o certificados de nacimiento para saber el sexo de la gente?
"Están creando una solución a un problema que no existe", declaró el concejal Tom Simplot quien es abiertamente gay. "Este tipo de legislaciones son precisamente las que atraen críticas a Arizona y arriesgan nuestro trabajo para hacer de este estado tolerante y competitivo", acotó Simplot.
De encontrarse culpable, el individuo que infrinja esta esta ley podría recibir una pena de hasta seis meses en prisión y/o 2 mil 500 dólares de multa, sin mencionar el hecho de que podrían agregarle cargos de ofensas sexuales, los cuales obligarían al individuo a registrarse como agresor sexual.
Quienes están a favor de la medida, incluyendo a la senadora Nancy Barto, Kavanagh y representantes del Center for Arizona Policy, alegan que depredadores sexuales utilizarán esa excusa para ingresar al baño del sexo opuesto y cometer delitos sexuales.
Kavanagh declaró que es inaceptable que cualquier hombre que se identifique como mujer, pueda ingresar al baño o vestuario de mujeres y desvestirse.
De acuerdo a grupos que representan a comunidades LGBT esta medida sería una de las más rigurosa en la nación en materia de violación a los derechos civiles.
Is that Dorner reward a $1-million mirage?
Source
By Louis Sahagun and Joel Rubin, Los Angeles Times
March 24, 2013, 4:40 p.m.
As the manhunt for Christopher Dorner gripped Southern California last month, Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa announced a $1-million reward for the capture of the fired LAPD officer.
Two claims have been made on the money since Dorner's death Feb. 12 — by a couple near Big Bear who were tied up and whose car was stolen and by a man whose pickup truck Dorner later hijacked.
Now, however, some groups that pledged money are reconsidering. They said they offered the reward for information that would have led to the capture and conviction of Dorner, neither of which occurred. Dorner committed suicide when cornered in a burning cabin near Big Bear.
Underlying their objections is a moral argument that donors will not make publicly. Some find the claims for the money unseemly. They believe reward seekers had called police to report they were victims of crimes by Dorner and now seek to profit from their brief encounters, which left them unharmed, during a rampage that devastated the families of police officers and of others he killed.
Police believe Dorner went on a 10-day killing rampage of revenge against law enforcement officials whom he blamed for his 2009 firing from the force. Dorner is thought to have killed Riverside Police Officer Michael Crain; San Bernardino County Sheriff's Deputy Jeremiah MacKay; Monica Quan, the daughter of a retired LAPD captain; and Quan's fiance, Keith Lawrence.
More than 25 donors pledged reward money, including state and local police unions, civic organizations and individuals. But now, many are hesitating to follow through.
"I've spoken with some groups — including a few that are substantial — that have already decided to withdraw their pledges," said Ron Cottingham, president of the 64,000-member union Peace Officers Research Assn. of California, which has placed its own pledge on hold pending additional information. "They said the reward doesn't fit their criteria."
The LAPD, responding to the arguments donors make publicly, says the money should be paid. LAPD Deputy Chief Kirk Albanese said that to deny someone the reward because Dorner died before he could be put on trial "would be disingenuous" and would undermine future attempts by police to get information about unsolved crimes by offering rewards.
Much of the confusion surrounding the conditions of the reward began with the language Villaraigosa used in his announcement. Donors specified that the money they pledged was for Dorner's arrest and conviction. But Villaragoisa broadened it to "capture" in his public remarks — and that word could be interpreted to include being surrounded in a cabin before committing suicide.
Later in the news conference announcing the reward, Los Angeles Police Chief Charlie Beck said pointedly: "For those of you with questions about how the reward works: The reward is for the capture and the conviction."
Further clouding the issue is the language of a written statement the LAPD issued saying the reward was "for information leading to the apprehension and conviction" of Dorner. The department recently proposed replacing that phrase with "identification and capture." State and local law enforcement unions that pledged money rejected the change.
LAPD officials said a group of detectives investigating the Dorner case will make a recommendation to the donors regarding whether certain people were instrumental in catching Dorner and how much money they deserve.
Tyler Izen, president of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, which also had pledged money for information leading to the arrest and conviction of Dorner, said his organization "is waiting for additional information from the LAPD about the incident before determining whether to pay the reward."
Vicki Curry, a spokeswoman for the mayor, said money for a reward was solicited before any decisions were made about terms or conditions. "It came together fairly quickly over that weekend in the midst of the chaos, and now we've got to figure it out," Curry said.
Curry, who said she was unaware of any turmoil among the donor group, said that even if some donors do back away from their commitments to contribute to the reward, the $1-million total will not be lowered. She reiterated a contention that Beck made when the reward was announced — that additional donors had pushed the amount collected to more than $1 million — and said the extra money would be used to cover funds promised by donors that back out. "There will be a $1-million reward," Curry said.
Rewards have been a fixture of the American system of justice since the 1800s. When detectives hit dead ends, a cash incentive may be the only way to solve crimes.
In the Dorner case, information was delivered Feb. 12 in a 911 call made by Karen Reynolds, who, along with her husband, Jim, had been taken captive briefly at their Mountain View Resort before Dorner stole their car.
Before leaving, Dorner warned the couple not to call police. Reynolds did it anyway.
Shortly afterward, Dorner crashed their car, and Rick Heltebrake, a Boy Scout camp ranger, called a San Bernardino County sheriff's deputy to report that his pickup had been hijacked.
The Reynoldses' claim, filed by their attorney, Kirk M. Hallam, says their information was immediately radioed to law enforcement officers in the Big Bear Lake area. State Fish and Wildlife wardens soon identified the Reynoldses' purple Nissan being driven by Dorner on California Highway 38, about 20 miles away, according to the claim.
The Reynoldses support their argument with a San Bernardino County Sheriff's Department press release, which says, in part, that after Reynolds' call, "deputies immediately began a search on ground and from the air for the vehicle [the purple Nissan]. The vehicle was located at Highway 38 and Glass Road."
In an interview, Hallam added, "When the mayor announced the reward offer, he just said, 'captured.' So, in terms of the $1-million reward, the offer did not include conviction." In addition, state law allows a reward to be paid if an arrest or conviction is rendered impossible by the death of a suspect during a pursuit by law enforcement.
Heltebrake's claim, filed on his behalf by attorney Allen L. Thomas, says that shortly after his client called, Dorner was cornered by authorities at the cabin where he died.
Heltebrake said in his claim that he was driving along a mountain road when Dorner jumped out of a snow bank and pointed a firearm at him. He says Dorner ordered him out of the white pickup and used it to continue fleeing.
Heltebrake's call "notified law enforcement of Mr. Dorner's location, provided a description of the vehicle he was fleeing in and was the substantial factor in the capture of Mr. Dorner at the cabin location," according to his claim.
louis.sahagun@latimes.com
Public servant or royal government ruler???
County Administrator Susan Muranishi gets $423,664 a year pension
Source
Alameda County rewards boss: $400k…for life
Alameda County supervisors have really taken to heart the adage that government should run like a business — rewarding County Administrator Susan Muranishi with the Wall Street-like wage of $423,664 a year.
For the rest of her life.
According to county pay records, in addition to her $301,000 base salary, Muranishi receives:
– $24,000, plus change, in “equity pay’’ to guarantee that she makes at least 10 percent more than anyone else in the county.
– About $54,000 a year in “longevity” pay for having stayed with the county for more than 30 years.
– An annual performance bonus of $24,000.
– And another $9,000 a year for serving on the county’s three-member Surplus Property Authority, an ad hoc committee of the Board of Supervisors that oversees the sale of excess land.
Like other county executives, Muranishi also gets an $8,292-a-year car allowance.
Muranishi has been with the county for 38 years, and she’s 63. When retirement day comes, she’ll be getting a lot more than a gold watch.
That’s because, according to the county auditor’s office, Muranishi’s annual pension will be equal to the dollar total of her entire yearly package — $413,000. She also has a separate executive private pension plan, for which the county chips in $46,500 a year.
To find out more about how Muranishi wound up being the highest-paid county administrator in California, read here.
LAPD homicide detective pleads guilty to murder
Source
Ex-LAPD homicide detective pleads guilty in fatal beating of wife
By Andrew Blankstein
March 25, 2013, 2:25 p.m.
A retired LAPD homicide detective pleaded guilty to manslaughter in connection with the fatal beating of his wife in Hawaii seven years ago, authorities said Monday.
Dan DeJarnette, 59, who was arrested at his Big Island home last May, pleaded guilty March 15 to manslaughter while under extreme emotional distress. He faces up to 20 years in prison in connection with the slaying of his wife, 56-year-old Yu DeJarnette, whose body was found in November 2006 on a lava embankment about 20 feet from the couple's home in Ka'u on the southern end of the island.
Police said he bludgeoned her with a car jack stand.
According to police, DeJarnette said he had awakened to find his wife outside the home suffering from injuries in a fall over an embankment while hanging laundry out to dry. An autopsy determined that she died from head trauma and DeJarnette was booked on suspicion of murder. The former LAPD detective, who moved to Hawaii after his retirement in 2003, was eventually released because of a lack of evidence.
After languishing for half a decade, Hawaiian authorities took another look at the case in January 2012. After additional investigation that included testing of DNA evidence, prosecutors secured an indictment against DeJarnette from a Hawaii grand jury, leading to his arrest in May 2012.
The evidence suggested that DeJarnette used a bleaching-type agent to try to clean up blood in the bathroom, but could not eliminate it completely. Follow-up testing eventually showed his wife's blood on items recovered from the home.
The indictment came days after former LAPD Det. Stephanie Lazarus was sentenced to 27 years to life in prison, with the possibility of parole, for killing her former boyfriend's wife nearly three decades ago in a fit of rage and jealousy.
DeJarnette worked as a homicide detective in the Van Nuys Division and investigated rape cases while assigned to the department's Robbery Homicide Division-Rape Special Section.
During his time as a detective, DeJarnette handled several high-profile investigations, including the probes into a fatal Christmas night shooting at an Echo Park pizza parlor in 1990, the 1993 stabbing death of a pregnant woman at an automated teller machine in Sherman Oaks and the 1981 cold-case murder of a newlywed in her Sherman Oaks home by a serial rapist.
DeJarnette, who joined the Los Angeles Police Department in 1982, moved to Hawaii after his retirement in 2003. But by 2006, the marriage was showing signs of strain. Yu DeJarnette had told co-workers at the Kona grocery store where she worked that she wanted to leave her husband, according to a source familiar with the investigation.
Authorities said that in his plea, DeJarnette said that after Yu DeJarnette slapped him, he hit her twice in the head in a bathroom at the couple's home with a jack stand, which is used to elevate an automobile. His wife's body was then dragged outside and thrown over the embankment.
DeJarnette also had taken out a $300,000 life insurance policy on his wife, but was unable to collect because he was long considered a suspect in the case.
The former LAPD detective is eligible for parole. Without the plea he faced the possibility of life in prison if convicted of murder.
Rep. John Kavanagh tweaks his homophobic "potty police" law
Source
Transgender restroom bill will be revamped, lawmaker says
By Dustin Gardiner The Republic | azcentral.com Mon Mar 25, 2013 2:25 PM
A bill that would have made it illegal for many transgender Arizonans to use the public bathroom of their choice has been gutted.
Rep. John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, said he plans to introduce a new version of Senate Bill 1432 this week, removing any potential criminal penalties for transgender residents who enter the restroom of the opposite sex.
His original proposal would have made it a misdemeanor for a person to use a bathroom, locker room or dressing room that’s not designated for the sex listed on his or her birth certificate. Violators would have been guilty of disorderly conduct.
But Kavanagh said the new version seeks to take government entirely out of the business of regulating bathroom privileges.
He said it will prohibit local governments from passing ordinances that could subject businesses to lawsuits or criminal penalties if they forbid a transgender person from using a restroom.
Kavanagh said he decided to scrap the original proposal after it drew criticism from transgender advocates across the country and some of his fellow lawmakers, who felt it unnecessarily extended the reach of state government into bathrooms stalls.
Both versions of his so-called bathroom bill are a rebuke to Phoenix leaders, who voted last month to broadly outlaw discrimination against the city’s gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender residents. The protections apply in the areas of housing, employment and public accommodations, such as restaurants and hotels.
“I’m just saying, you know what, that’s not government’s concern,” Kavanagh told The Republic. “We’re simply going to go right back to where it was the day before Phoenix passed its overreaching ordinance with respect to showers, dressing rooms and bathrooms.”
Rebecca Wininger, president of the gay-rights watchdog Equality Arizona, said Kavanagh’s new proposal does nothing to alleviate her concerns. She said it still singles out a group of people for discrimination.
“It’s no better to deny anyone the basic right of being able to use the restroom,” Wininger said. “I really don’t hink there’s anything behind it except for fear and possibly hate.”
Supporters of the city’s move said Kavanagh’s bill is a solution in search of a problem. They point to the 16 states and more than 166 cities and counties that have passed similar laws prohibiting discrimination based on gender identity, which includes those who identify as a different sex than they were born.
Phoenix city attorneys have said the ordinance could extend to bathroom use in some cases. For instance, a person with male genitalia who identifies as a woman might have a discrimination claim if they are barred from using the restroom of their choosing and vice versa.
Recall effort launched against Rep. John Kavanagh
Will Rep. John Kavanagh be recalled for making Arizona the
"Show me your genitals state"
with his silly SB 1432 which makes it a crime to use the wrong restroom???
Sadly Arizona is already the
"Show me you papers state"
with our racist SB 1070 law.
Source
Recall effort launched against Rep. John Kavanagh
By Mary Jo Pitzl The Republic | azcentral.com Mon Mar 25, 2013 10:01 PM
Rep. John Kavanagh, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, is the latest target of a recall effort launched against high-profile state politicians.
A committee called Raise the Bar Arizona filed paperwork on Monday for a recall election, citing what it called Kavanagh’s hypocrisy on pledging to reduce the size of government while introducing legislation that would extend government’s reach. Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, dismissed it as misguided political harassment.
“He’s not limiting government; he’s extending it into bathrooms,” said Ray Ceo Jr., co-chairman of the newly formed committee.
Ceo was referring to Kavanagh’s introduction last week at the Legislature of a bill that would impose a disorderly-conduct charge on anyone who uses a public bathroom, dressing room or locker room if the gender designation on the facility doesn’t match the gender on the individual’s birth certificate.
Kavanagh, a four-term lawmaker, said recall organizers apparently aren’t aware of the changes he’s proposed to the bill, which will get a committee hearing Wednesday. The changes would remove the criminal penalties for bathroom use, but would bar local governments from enacting ordinances that would punish business owners if they deny bathroom use to a transgendered person.
Ceo said the committee’s problems with Kavanagh’s conduct go beyond the bathroom issue. The committee is critical of Kavanagh’s support of a bill that would defund the Arizona Students Association by taking away a fee that has benefited the group. Ceo’s co-chairman, Brianna Pantilione, is treasurer of the student group, which sued the Arizona Board of Regents for free-speech violations when the board suspended the group’s access to the student fee.
“Representative John Kavanagh has spent his time in office unconstitutionally attacking specific groups such as students rather than fulfilling his campaign promises to limit government and use taxpayer’s money effectively,” Raise the Bar said in a press release.
Ceo, a librarian and Valley native who’s also active within the gay community, said he’s tired of seeing Arizona being a “laughing stock” nationally.
The committee will need the valid signatures of 16,920 voters in Kavanagh’s northeast Valley district for a recall election.
Kavanagh said the recall would be a waste of time and money. “If they succeed, they’ll recall me five months before my primary,” he said.
The earliest a recall election could be staged is March 2014; the GOP primary for the Legislature is in August. Although term limited in the House, Kavanagh is eying a state Senate seat.
“It’s not politically wise,” he said, adding that it appears people are increasingly using the recall process as a way to harass elected officials, rather than to make a sincere effort to oust them.
“It gives new meaning to March madness,” he quipped.
The Raise the Bar committee is the latest recall effort; earlier this month, a group of central-Phoenix Republicans filed a committee to recall House Minority Leader Chad Campbell, D-Phoenix.
A committee seeking to recall Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio conceded it has fallen far short of the money needed to mount an effective countywide effort. Organizers vowed to press on.
Colorado pot growers gear up for ‘green rush’
Will Obama send in his jackbooted DEA thugs to shut down the newly legalize marijuana industries in Colorado and Washington states???
Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. said that he would soon announce a response to the initiatives in Colorado and Washington last year legalizing pot for recreational use.
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Colorado pot growers gear up for ‘green rush’
By T.W. Farnam, Published: March 25
Denver — The pot industry in Colorado is undergoing a massive makeover as it prepares to begin selling marijuana for recreational use legally under state law. Businesses are ramping up production, and trade associations are cleaning up their image, anticipating what could be a billion-dollar industry.
But the entrepreneurs who are hoping to cash in on the “green rush” starting next year are struggling with the unique challenges of conducting a business that the federal government considers a crime.
The state’s pot producers and retailers are having trouble securing business financing because banks won’t give them loans — and most of the time, not even an account.
State lawmakers are about to shake up the marketplace in unpredictable ways with regulations covering everything from the shape of containers to the labeling required for pot-laced brownies and other “infused products.”
And business owners say they’re anxious about the intentions of the federal government, which could seize millions of dollars they have invested or even send them to prison.
At a hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee earlier this month, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. said that he would soon announce a response to the initiatives in Colorado and Washington last year legalizing pot for recreational use. The federal government, which deems marijuana a controlled substance, could upend the plans of Colorado entrepreneurs at any moment.
Last year, the state’s voters approved a constitutional amendment to “regulate marijuana like alcohol” for adults to buy in small amounts, building on the state’s 13-year-old law allowing the sale of marijuana to medical patients. Under the new measure, marijuana stores, or dispensaries, must register with the state, but many of the other regulations governing pot sales are still being finalized.
Kristi Kelly, 35, began selling medical marijuana three years ago and plans to grow the business when recreational sales become legal in 2014. Her Good Meds company includes three stores and two industrial indoor gardens.
Wearing a blue blazer and knee-high leather boots on a recent tour of her operation, Kelly was more dressed up than most of her customers and employees. Some sat on couches in hooded sweatshirts and dreadlocks trimming dried marijuana plants. Jimi Hendrix played in the background.
She led the way through one of her “grow facilities,” a 65,000-square-foot garden where plants at different stages were segregated into different rooms by maturity.
“We have about 10 rooms that look exactly like this,” Kelly said over the hum of a humidifier. A chain of 1,000-watt fixtures showered bright light on dozens of plants so heavily laden with large flowers that they were supported by a net. A valve on the wall periodically spurted carbon dioxide.
A Washington, D.C. native, Kelly has a high-energy demeanor that seems more at home on the East Coast than in laid-back Denver. A former ad agency executive who once managed accounts for government agencies such as the U.S. Mint, she said she deals with the uncertainty of operating in a legal gray area by keeping a close watch on risks she can control, such as security and compliance with state rules.
“I tend to stay as conservative as possible on as much as possible,” Kelly said.
More than 500 businesses are already selling medical marijuana, and many are now preparing to burst into the new marketplace for recreational pot. These dispensaries sold $186 million worth of cannabis for medical purposes in the last fiscal year, according to tax receipts. The Colorado Legislative Council predicts that figure could rise to $920 million next year once the new constitutional amendment legalizing recreational sales takes effect. This estimate does not account for the anticipated influx of pot tourists who are expected to arrive in search of a Rocky Mountain high. With steep excise and sales taxes proposed, the industry could be a big revenue booster for the state.
Many of the entrepreneurs, like Kelly, have had little previous experience with marijuana. “We’re not those Woodstock hippies who have had secret grows in the mountains for decades,” Kelly said. “We’re business people.”
This isn’t business as usual, however. The federal government has cautioned many banks against handling marijuana finances. Many smaller pot businesses have been unable to find a bank to take their money and must operate on a cash-only basis, creating vexing problems with security and accounting. Kelly said she lost four bank accounts last year as one institution after another said they could not risk doing business with her company.
“The people who are lucky enough to have bank accounts guard them with their lives,” she said.
In her Lakewood, Colo., store, a two-ton safe bolted to the floor behind the counter holds a dozen gallon jars full of cannabis. With a doctor’s prescription, you can buy marijuana in just about any form in this store: rolled into joints, filling an e-cigarette cartridge, baked into chocolates and cheesecake cupcakes, or concentrated in Cannacap pills, lemon drops, Cheeba Chews, hard candies and liquid tinctures with flavors such as orange and agave.
Kelly says she has to pay premium rent for her storefront because landlords are wary of marijuana businesses, considering them risky ventures that can attract an undesirable clientele. She has also spent thousands of dollars upgrading her operation’s security to guard against thieves who could be attracted to the copious amounts of cannabis and cash.
Making her financial situation even worse, distributing marijuana isn’t a legitimate business expense under the tax code, so her company can’t deduct most of its expenses. Kelly’s business lost money last year, she said, after paying income tax.
Nor can these retailers use many of the traditional means for promoting consumer goods, such as advertising. Denver bans outdoor ads for marijuana, and most mainstream media outlets won’t run them. Kelly recently tried to sponsor a radio public service announcement about safe driving, but had her money returned by the station management.
Complying with a thick and evolving book of state regulations is another challenge. The rules, for instance, require each marijuana plant to be placed under video surveillance and tracked from seed to sale, at times by carrying a bar code.
Many more regulations are coming. Under Amendment 64, the legislature must tax and oversee cannabis stores for the general public as well. A task force appointed by the governor this month issued recommendations for those laws, which must be finalized before the legislative session ends this spring.
Many medical marijuana business owners, including Kelly, opposed Amendment 64 over concern that it would upturn their growing businesses or prompt action from the federal government. But now she and many other owners see the legalization of pot as a great business opportunity.
And medical marijuana businesses are seeking to have the tight regulations they follow expanded to recreational use, deploying a bevy of lobbyists to work the task force and the legislature. That has led advocates for liberalization to complain that the industry is trying to limit competition. For the first year, only retailers that sell medical marijuana will be allowed to sell pot for recreational purposes.
Business owners counter that by tightly regulating their industry, Colorado has avoided the kind of federal scrutiny given to other states, such as California, which largely leave regulation of medical marijuana to local jurisdictions.
The U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency is watching Colorado, but has yet to intervene in a dramatic way. The agency sent letters to some Colorado dispensaries within 1,000 feet of schools, warning them to shut their doors. Some business owners took that as a tacit endorsement of the state’s approach.
Federal policy on marijuana businesses will likely be fluid for some time, and disruptions in the marketplace may yet come. For Kelly, it won’t be the first time.
“We’ve changed our business plan like five times,” she said.
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Court: Drug dog sniff is unconstitutional search
For every thousand steps backward in insane drug war we take one step forward. This is one of them.
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Court: Drug dog sniff is unconstitutional search
By JESSE J. HOLLAND, Associated Press
Updated 8:51 am, Tuesday, March 26, 2013
WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court ruled Tuesday that police cannot bring drug-sniffing police dogs onto a suspect's property to look for evidence without first getting a warrant for a search, a decision which may limit how investigators use dogs' sensitive noses to search out drugs, explosives and other items hidden from human sight, sound and smell.
The high court split 5-4 on the decision to uphold the Florida Supreme Court's ruling throwing out evidence seized in the search of Joelis Jardines' Miami-area house. That search was based on an alert by Franky the drug dog from outside the closed front door.
Justice Antonin Scalia said a person has the Fourth Amendment right to be free from the government's gaze inside their home and in the area surrounding it, which is called the curtilage.
"The police cannot, without a warrant based on probable cause, hang around on the lawn or in the side garden, trawling for evidence and perhaps peering into the windows of the home," Justice Antonin Scalia said for the majority. "And the officers here had all four of their feet and all four of their companion's, planted firmly on that curtilage — the front porch is the classic example of an area intimately associated with the life of the home."
He was joined in his opinion by Justices Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan.
On the morning of Dec. 5, 2006, Miami-Dade police detectives and U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents set up surveillance outside a house south of the city after getting an anonymous tip that it might contain a marijuana growing operation. Detective Douglas Bartelt arrived with Franky and the two went up to the house, where Franky quickly detected the odor of pot at the base of the front door and sat down as he was trained to do.
That sniff was used to get a search warrant from a judge. The house was searched and its lone occupant, Jardines, was arrested trying to escape out the back door. Officers pulled 179 live marijuana plants from the house, with an estimated street value of more than $700,000.
Jardines was charged with marijuana trafficking and grand theft for stealing electricity needed to run the highly sophisticated operation. He pleaded not guilty and his attorney challenged the search, claiming Franky's sniff outside the front door was an unconstitutional law enforcement intrusion into the home.
The trial judge agreed and threw out the evidence seized in the search, but that was reversed by an intermediate appeals court. In April a divided Florida Supreme Court sided with the original judge.
The Supreme Court's decision upholds that ruling.
"A drug detection dog is a specialized device for discovering objects not in plain view (or plain smell)," Kagan wrote in a concurring opinion. "That device here was aimed at a home — the most private and inviolate (or so we expect) of all the places and things the Fourth Amendment protects. Was this activity a trespass? Yes, as the court holds today. Was it also an invasion of privacy? Yes, that as well."
The four justices who dissented were Chief Justice John Roberts, Justice Stephen Breyer, Justice Anthony Kennedy and Justice Samuel Alito.
It's not trespassing when a mail carrier comes on a porch for a brief period, Alito said. And that includes "police officers who wish to gather evidence against an occupant," Alito said. "According to the court, however, the police officer in this case, Detective Bartelt, committed a trespass because he was accompanied during his otherwise lawful visit to the front door of the respondent's house by his dog, Franky. Where is the authority evidencing such a rule?"
Alito also said that the court's ruling stretches expectations of privacy too far.
"A reasonable person understands that odors emanating from a house may be detected from locations that are open to the public, and a reasonable person will not count on the strength of those odors remaining within the range that, while detectable by a dog, cannot be smelled by a human."
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The case was Florida v. Jardines, 11-564.
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Wash., Colo. bars test limits of legal pot laws
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Wash., Colo. bars test limits of legal pot laws
By Gene Johnson Associated Press Tue Mar 26, 2013 9:26 AM
TACOMA, Wash. — John Connelly leaned forward on his barstool, set his lips against a clear glass pipe and inhaled a white cloud of marijuana vapor.
A handful of people milled around him. Three young women stood behind the bar, ready to assist with the preparation of the bongs, as the strains of a blues band playing downstairs sounded faintly off the exposed brick walls.
“It feels so comfortable in here,” said Connelly, 33. “It’s just a great social aspect.”
Welcome to the Stonegate — puns welcome. It’s one of a tiny number of bars, cafes and private clubs catering to the stoner class in Washington and Colorado since voters last fall made them the first states to legalize marijuana for adults over 21.
Both states bar the public use of marijuana — which typically would include bars and restaurants — and most bars are steering clear of allowing pot use at least until officials come up with rules for the new weed industry.
But a few have been testing the boundaries of what’s allowed in hopes of drumming up business and making a political statement.
“I’ve been running a bar a few years now, and people would always go outside around the corner, into the shadows, to smoke up,” said Jeff Call, the Stonegate’s owner. “People shouldn’t have to hide. There’s no rules yet, but I’m trying to do this thoughtfully and responsibly.”
Washington’s law bans pot distribution by anyone but a licensed seller — and no such licenses will be issued until the end of the year at the earliest. There’s also a statewide smoking ban that prohibits smoking where people work.
So the establishments are trying various strategies to allow on-site consumption.
Frankie’s Sports Bar and Grill in Olympia is less than a mile from the headquarters of the Washington State Liquor Control Board, where officials are writing rules for the pot industry. It allows members of its private smoking room to use tobacco or marijuana.
The owner, Frankie Schnarr, said his revenue has jumped by nearly half since he started allowing pot smoking in December.
In Denver, Club 64 — named after Colorado’s law, Amendment 64 — charges a $30 yearly membership for the privilege of getting high in a private social setting. Members receive emails alerting them to the locations of club “meetings,” like a recent St. Patrick’s Day party hosted by a local bar, featuring marijuana-infused green beer.
Club 64 owner Robert Corry, an attorney, wants to open a bar where he can welcome members on a daily basis.
“A marijuana club is exactly what the voters wanted,” Corry said. “Colorado voters knew exactly what we were doing.”
The Front Tea & Art Shop in Lafayette, about 20 miles north of Denver, offered “cannabis-friendly” evenings six nights a week at which customers over 21 were allowed to bring their own pot.
Owner Veronica Carpio said the cafe attracted 25 people a day — until last month, when Lafayette declared a moratorium on pot use at businesses. She’s suing, arguing the city overstepped its authority.
Anyone who wanders up the stairs to the Stonegate’s second-floor smoking lounge is charged a nominal fee — $1 a day to $20 a year — to become a member of the private club. To evade the smoking ban, there’s no smoking allowed — only “vaporizing,” a method that involves heating the marijuana without burning it.
Call provides space in the lounge — an L-shaped bar of blond wood, painted with portraits of Keith Richards, Stevie Ray Vaughn and other rock heroes — to the proprietor of a local medical marijuana dispensary.
People who don’t have a medical authorization have to bring their own pot, then rent a vaporizer — $10 by the half-hour — or pay to have one prepared for them. For $5, those who do have an authorization are offered various preparations of “shatter” — a hardened oil of powerful marijuana extract.
Call opened his rum-and-pizza joint a few years ago in a brick building along a formerly seedy stretch of shops, bars and restaurants. The second floor had recently been operated as a brothel, he said.
On a recent Friday night, a gentle scent of fresh marijuana filled the room. At one table, a handful of 20-somethings inhaled deeply from a rubber hose attached to a rented vaporizer, a black box that toasted the cannabis to 375 degrees.
Those who wanted a more powerful dose grabbed a seat at the bar, where Jenae DeCampo, a 21-year-old in a black tube-top, pulled out a small blowtorch.
DeCampo held the hissing flame to the metal stem of a clear glass bong until the metal glowed orange. With a wand, she picked up a small piece of what looked like amber — a chunk of potent, hardened marijuana oil — and rubbed it on the scorching metal.
A white cloud filled the pipe, bubbled through the water at the bottom and rushed into Connelly’s lungs.
“A lot of people are shocked by what we’re doing because it’s so uncommon,” DeCampo said. “I like being part of something that could possibly be big.”
Tacoma’s code enforcement staff is reviewing the Stonegate’s operation, a city spokeswoman said.
Justin Nordhorn, the state liquor board’s chief of enforcement, has some concerns about bars that allow pot use. Most importantly, he said, is that marijuana can compound alcohol’s intoxicating effects, meaning people might be even more dangerous when driving.
He also doubted whether the “private club” aspect of the establishments would keep them out of trouble. A truly private club that serves alcohol — say, an Elks Lodge — would have to have a liquor license specific to private clubs, and members of the public couldn’t be allowed in.
For now, Nordhorn noted, there is a loophole in the state board’s ability to block bars from allowing pot use. Its rules require bars to address on-site criminal violations, but public use of marijuana is only a civil infraction — meaning officials can’t necessarily punish bars that let people partake, even if police could come in and write tickets to toking customers.
That’s something the board could address as it makes rules for the new pot industry.
For now, Call’s goal is to get more people into the bar — people who will get hungry and order pizzas.
“People are just smiling and friendly and happy,” Call said. “I just really like the feeling you get when you’re up here.”
Arizona National Guard reins in whistle-blowers
Arizona National Guard pretends to police itself???
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Arizona National Guard reins in whistle-blowers
By Dennis Wagner The Republic | azcentral.com Tue Mar 26, 2013 11:27 PM
Amid an investigation of corrupt conduct in the Arizona National Guard, soldiers and airmen have been issued strict ethics guidelines that include restrictions on whistle-blower disclosure of agency information.
The “Code of Ethical Conduct” was published earlier this year by Maj. Gen. Hugo Salazar during the early stages of an independent review of Guard discipline. That review was prompted by an Arizona Republic investigation raising ethical and leadership questions.
Matthew Benson, Gov. Jan Brewer’s spokesman, said the findings from that review are expected within two weeks.
The new ethics code, in a section subtitled “Protection of Agency Records and Information,” tells Guard members that “only designated individuals” may speak out.
Accompanying guidelines warn that “any release of agency information to the public or media must go through either the Public Affairs Office or the Staff Judge Advocate’s Office.”
The new code was issued Jan. 15 to all members of the Arizona Department of Emergency and Military Affairs, which includes the Guard and the state Division of Emergency Management. It was accompanied by a letter from Salazar urging personnel to conduct themselves with honor and integrity — “sustaining a place where we are all proud to serve.”
The code advises Guard personnel that they must report alleged misconduct to commanders and stresses a “zero-tolerance policy toward reprisal” against whistle-blowers.
However, guidelines protect whistle-blowers only for communications to members of Congress or within armed-forces channels. Revelations to watchdog organizations or media are not covered.
The Republic’s ongoing reporting on corruption has been based largely on information from dozens of Arizona Guard members who say that the chain of command fails to combat wrongdoing and that complainants frequently are subject to retaliation.
They also say reports filed with the federal inspector general, the Arizona Governor’s Office, the National Guard Bureau and members of Congress are typically referred back to Arizona Guard command. Many of the soldiers and airmen provided documentation for those assertions.
Experts on law and ethics said the new policy is confusing because it does not define “agency information” and therefore may be perceived as a free-speech violation.
“To the degree that there’s a mandate and you can’t talk to the press, that could be problematic,” said Kathleen Clark, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis who teaches and writes about whistle-blowing.
Tom Devine, legal director for the non-profit Government Accountability Project, which operates whistleblower.org, said Guardsmen are a hybrid of state and federal military, with the legal rights of neither.
“National Guards have been in a unique loophole to all whistle-blower protections,” Devine said. “They end up with the worst of all possible worlds.”
Richard Moberly, associate dean and a law professor at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, said military organizations understandably require extra security, but that makes transparency and oversight problematic.
“There’s more reason for secrecy,” he said. “Of course, that allows for the ability to cover up.”
Moberly said military systems falter when personnel feel compelled to go outside the agency because a leadership culture is perceived as corrupt.
“Here’s where whistle-blower protections fail,” he added. “If the highest people in an organization allow misconduct to continue, or if you have a culture of closing ranks and the whistle-blower becomes an outlier because they question authority.”
Salazar, the state’s top military officer, has declined to comment to The Republic since October, when a series of articles exposed widespread criminal conduct, retaliation and lax discipline in a state Guard with about 8,000 personnel.
The series described repeated incidents of sexual abuse of high-school cadets, recruiting fraud, drunken driving, fraternization, assaults, embezzlement, cronyism and reprisal against those who reported misconduct.
Salazar previously acknowledged that the recruiting command had become corrupt but said misconduct, lax discipline standards and other leadership failures were addressed. He stressed the integrity of most Guard members and denied the existence of a rogue environment.
In November, Brewer assigned Maj. Gen. Ricky Adams to conduct a “full, fair and independent review.” An Arizona Guard spokesman said in mid-January that Adams had completed his interviews and was expected to submit an investigative report by month’s end. Since then, however, numerous officers and enlisted soldiers have reported additional interviews conducted by Adams’ staff. Adams declined to comment.
The Arizona review coincides with a national scandal involving sexual abuse and harassment in the military. Reaction to that scandal has included Senate hearings two weeks ago and an ongoing investigation of rapes at Lackland Air Force Base in Texas.
The Defense Department has estimated that there are 19,000 sexual-abuse incidents annually in the military, with one perpetrator in 100 held accountable.
Commanders from all military branches testified about reforms instituted to combat sexual misconduct. But some U.S. senators, troubled by a permissive atmosphere, have advocated changes in the way rapes are investigated, including possible civilian prosecutors and oversight.
Brewer has previously stressed that the review of Arizona’s Guard would be independent.
Maj. Gen. Adams is a member of the Oklahoma National Guard who works in his civilian life as an administrator with Oklahoma’s Department of Public Safety. He also serves as deputy commanding general with the Army Training and Doctrine Command in Virginia, which provides leadership instruction for soldiers.
Adams is working in Arizona through the National Guard Bureau, an administrative agency also based in Virginia.
Like Salazar, Adams ascended through artillery commands. E-mails obtained by The Republic show that when Adams first contacted Salazar about conducting the inquiry, his salutation read, “Hello, Hugo!”
Those e-mails also indicate that the Arizona Guard attempted to conduct an online survey during the past few months, asking soldiers and airmen to evaluate morale, leadership, integrity and stress.
Results have not been released. Records indicate the poll could be flawed if personnel chose to submit multiple entries.
Since the newspaper series was published in October, numerous soldiers and airmen have come forward with additional examples of misconduct and cover-ups.
The Republic sought documentation for many of those incidents under Arizona’s Public Records Law. In response, the Guard terminated a policy of releasing investigative files.
Legal advisers for the state agency announced that investigative records must be obtained under federal law, via the Freedom of Information Act. To date, the U.S. Army, National Guard Bureau, Air Force and Arizona Guard have not provided investigative materials.
Military documents obtained independently by The Republic show that Arizona Guard problems include numerous cases of recruiting fraud, part of a problem found to be epidemic in the military.
The Washington Post reported last year that about 1,700 recruiters were under investigation nationwide. Guard officials declined to comment or provide records on Arizona cases.
The Republic also sought an interview with Brewer and, in a letter, asked that she direct the Guard to provide investigative files as required by state law. Benson said the governor would not respond.
Phoenix organizing 3 gun buyback events in May
Phoenix Mayor Greg Stanton is a gun grabber??? Probably!!!!
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Phoenix organizing 3 gun buyback events in May
By Amy B Wang and Nicole Barrett The Republic | azcentral.com Tue Mar 26, 2013 11:06 PM
Amid criticism of the effectiveness of gun-buyback programs, Phoenix officials on Tuesday pushed forward with a plan for the largest gun buyback in Arizona history in May.
A $100,000 anonymous donation will fund the program, a partnership between Phoenix police and the non-profit Arizonans for Gun Safety.
Those who turn in guns will receive gift cards, likely to supermarkets or electronics stores — $100 cards for handguns, shotguns and rifles; $200 cards for assault weapons. Participants will receive $10 to $25 cards for high-capacity magazines that accompany a weapon.
The program will distribute free gun locks, along with lessons on how to store guns safely.
Organizers hope the buyback will not only give residents a safe way to get rid of unwanted firearms but also improve home gun safety, said Hildy Saizow, president of Arizonans for Gun Safety.
“Both of these goals are important, if not critical, to public safety,” Saizow said. “This is how we can actually save lives.”
Gun buybacks aren’t new. Cities, including Phoenix, have run similar programs for years. Law-enforcement agencies across the nation hosted gun-buyback events following December’s mass shooting in Connecticut.
Mayor Greg Stanton announced the program in his State of the City speech in February, drawing reaction from both gun-rights groups and those who supported the plan.
“(Buybacks) make people feel good, but they do nothing to reduce violence on the street,” said Joe Clure, president of the Phoenix Law Enforcement Association. “The reality of the matter is gun buybacks are doing zero percent for public safety.”
Researchers who have evaluated gun-control strategies say buybacks, despite their popularity, are among the least-effective ways to reduce gun violence. They say targeted police patrols, intervention efforts with known criminals and, to a lesser extent, tougher gun laws all work better than buybacks.
“They make for good photo images,” said Michael Scott, director of the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, based at the University of Wisconsin’s law school. “But gun-buyback programs recover such a small percentage of guns that it’s not likely to make much impact.”
The biggest weakness of buybacks, he said, is the firearms they usually collect are insignificant when measured against the arsenal in the hands of American citizens. The government estimates there are more than 310 million guns in America today, nearly enough to arm every man, woman and child in the country.
Scott said buyback programs tend to attract the people least likely to commit crimes and to retrieve guns least likely to be used in crimes. Violent criminals steer clear of buyback programs unless they’re trying to make some quick cash by selling a weapon they don’t want anymore, he said.
Phoenix police held a gun buyback in December 2011 and collected 207 guns. A buyback in Tucson in January collected about 200 firearms, many of them old or inoperable, in exchange for about $10,000 worth of gift cards. A few hundred feet away, gun dealers offered cash for guns in good enough condition to resell.
Phoenix officials acknowledged that a buyback was unlikely to dramatically decrease gun deaths, but said such a program was an important service for residents to safely dispose of unwanted firearms “with no questions asked.”
“We’re not naive about what a gun buyback is going to do to the crime rate, but we do believe that this a very positive thing for the future of our city,” Stanton said.
Phoenix Police Chief Daniel V. Garcia said gun buybacks “may not reduce crime as a whole, but it’s one of the tools in the toolbox that we can use.”
When someone turns in an unwanted gun, Garcia said, “that citizen is making a decision of what the future of that weapon will be.”
Police will run the guns’ information through a database. Those lost or stolen will be returned to their owners. Police will keep others tied to a crime or that have historical value.
All other guns will be destroyed, an approach criticized by gun-rights groups. A state law that took effect in August was designed to prohibit police agencies from destroying confiscated weapons, but Garcia said the law does not apply to voluntary buybacks.
According to Arizonans for Gun Safety, there are about 900 gun deaths in Arizona each year, and 60 to 70 percent are accidents or suicides, Saizow said.
The program, along with the distribution of free gun locks, seeks to reduce the risk of those incidents, she said.
Amy B Wang is a Republic reporter; Nicole Barrett is a contributor. Cincinnati Enquirer reporter Dan Horn also contributed to this article.
A friendly reminder that your taxes are due next month
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